More Questions than answers in India procuring F-35

Fairly regularly, Indian Air Force Chief, Air Chief Marshal A P Singh, is reminding the country that we are “very badly off“ when it comes to the number of fighter jets in service and the air force needs about 40 combat aircraft a year. But then it is something India cannot indigenously manufacture as the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) simply does not have the capability to produce what it claims.

Therefore, buying foreign fighters or co-producing them in India are considered by many experts to be the best way of boosting India’s air power. And here, the U.S. President Donalad Trump’s offer of the F-35 to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in their meeting last month assumes significance.

If India wants to go for F-35 at the earliest, it has to repeat the “Rafale-route” ( India had acquired French Rafales through government-to-government foreign military sales route) as an “interim measure” for some fighters ( say two squadrons) under governmental determined terms, conditions and prices. The rationale then has to be that the IAF needs fifth generation fighters badly , given its inadequate 31 fighter squadrons as against then the sanctioned strength of 42 squadrons.

Now, if the decision is to acquire through this route, some interlinked questions do arise on matters pertaining to quality, prices, co-production possibilities, and conditions of operations.

As regards the quality, the F-35 is supposed to be the best of its kind. Manufacturer Lockheed Martin has produced F-35s that are single-seat, single-engine and supersonic stealth aircraft designed for multiple roles, including strategic attack, suppression/destruction of enemy air defenses, offensive/defensive counter air, anti surface warfare, strike coordination and reconnaissance, and close air support. It brings stealth, sensor fusion, and interoperability to enable access in contested environments and enhances situational awareness. It can also perform electronic warfare and gather intelligence through surveillance and reconnaissance (spying on enemy activities to collect important information).

Therefore, the F-35 has to be valued for all its multi-roles, not a specific one such as transport or attack or surveillance.

The F-35 has three versions — the F-35A, F-35B, and F-35C. The F-35A has conventional take-off and landing (CTOL) capabilities, the F-35B has short take-off and vertical landing (STOVL) capabilities, and the F-35C is an aircraft carrier variant. F-35 Bs and Cs are for the Navy and marines. In the context of India, F- 35A is supposed to be relevant.

Nineteen (19) countries have purchased or agreed to purchase F-35s; most of them are NATO allies in Europe and partners like Israel, Singapore, South Korea, Japan and Australia.

Incidentally, the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) , through its Joint Program Office (JPO),

is responsible for upgrading the aircraft in order to remain relevant against future threats, such as advanced fighter aircraft, uncrewed aircraft, or long-range surface-to-air missiles. Those technical upgrades necessitate improvements to the F135 engine that powers the aircraft.

However, the latest F-35 upgrade program has faced technical challenges. In this context, it is also important to note that there have been about 12 accidents the program has met since 2018, the last being on January 28, 2025 when an F-35A fighter jet crashed at the Eielson US Air Force Base in Alaska during a training session. All this has furthered concerns about reliability, maintenance, project delays, and cost overruns. So much so that the U.S. Air Force had stopped accepting deliveries of F-35s in July 2023. Though it resumed acceptance of F-35s in July 2024, it is reportedly withholding payment of $5 million per aircraft until some part of modernisation is complete.

If one goes by the Annual Report of the Pentagon for Fiscal Year 2024 , published in January 2025, it is said that “the F-35 program has shown no improvement in meeting schedule and performance timelines for developing and testing software designed to address deficiencies and add new capabilities.”

All this is not to belittle the capacity or worth of the F-15 but to point out the challenges it is beset with. Even Lockheed Martin says that there are challenges but there are also significant achievements notwithstanding them. The manufacturer has delivered 110 F-35s in 2024 and nearly 1,100 worldwide across all variants.

How much will one F-35 fighter cost if India buys them? Pentagon’s 2023 Selected Acquisition Report estimated that the cost of a single F-35 to range from $62.2 million to $77.2 million, considering the benefit of the sale of aircraft to foreign governments. The price could have gone up to $80 million dollars by now, say some reports. That too, this is the base price, the final one depending on the model and extra features. All this makes the F-35 among the most expensive fighter jets.

Besides, there are additional expenses for maintenance, pilot training, and spare parts that are equally high. In fact, the F-35 is equally expensive to operate, with each flight hour costing roughly $36,000.

Another important aspect that is worth noting is whether the U.S. would like to co-produce parts of components of the F-35 in India, considering the fact that the F-35 program is its DOD’s largest “international cooperative program”?

The question is all the more relevant as the joint statement of the latest Trump-Modi meet says that “ The leaders determined that the U.S. would expand defense sales and co-production with India to strengthen interoperability and defense industrial cooperation”. The point here is whether such co-productions will include the F-35 , given the fact that competitor Russia has co-produced the MiG and Sukhoi series of fighters in India.

It may be noted that eight allied countries—the United Kingdom, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Italy, Turkey, and Australia — have participated in the F-35 program under a memorandum of understanding (MOU)for the SDD ( Strategic development Partner) and Production, Sustainment, and Follow-On Development (PSFD) phases of the program.

International participation in the F-35 program is divided into three levels, according to the amount of money a country contributes to the program—the higher the amount, the greater the nation’s influence on aircraft requirements, design, and access to technologies gained during development. Level 1 partner status requires approximately 10% contribution to aircraft development and allows for fully integrated office staff and a national deputy at the director level. The United Kingdom is the only Level I partner.

Level II partners consist of Italy and the Netherlands, contributing $1 billion and $800 million, respectively.

Australia, Denmark, Norway, Canada, and Turkey joined the F-35 program as Level III partners, with contributions ranging from $125 million to $175 million.

However, it may be noted that the U.S. revoked Turkey’s participation in the F-35 program in 2019 because of a disagreement over Turkey’s acquisition and intended fielding of the S-400 Russian air defense system. Before losing its partner status, Turkey was to build F135 engines and conduct engine maintenance and overhaul. After Turkey’s expulsion from the F-35 program, Norway and the Netherlands took on engine maintenance and training work.

Incidentally, since some F-35As are dual-capable aircraft (DCA), meaning that the aircraft have the ability to deliver conventional weapons as well as B- 61 nuclear weapons, the U.S. follows strict procedures in case the aircraft carries out a nuclear mission. Such a mission can only be undertaken after the authorisation is received from the US President ( and UK Prime Minister if used for NATO operations in Europe).

But then that is not all. The U.S. has additional laws or rules that say even if a country purchases US-made planes and weapons, the US government has to give permission before they can be deployed in a war. There are restrictions placed on the sale and use of advanced military technology through export controls and agreements, often including clauses about the intended use of the weapons or platforms.

It means that if India procures the F-35, the U.S. approval is needed on how and where to use it. There is what is called the Permissive Action Links (PAL) system, which requires additional authorization to activate the weapon, even if it is in another country’s possession. And here, the U.S. can go even beyond legal restrictions to consider the political implications of a foreign country using its products in a conflict, potentially impacting future arms sales or diplomatic relations.

It may be noted in this context that during his first term, in 2020 to be precise, when the Abraham Accords normalized diplomatic relations between Israel and the UAE, President Trump proposed selling F-35s to the UAE. In January 2021, the U.S. and the UAE reportedly completed negotiations for the sale of 50 F-35s worth an estimated $23 billion. But shortly after taking office, U.S. President Joe Biden put a temporary hold on the sale, because of concerns about a UAE contract with the China-based 5G technology company Huawei. By December 2021, the UAE withdrew from discussions about the purchase of F35s.

Thus, the use of the F-35 in a war situation with Pakistan or China is not going to be India’s unilateral decision, something that has been ensured while using the Russian or for that matter the French weapons/platforms. In other words, it will be in direct conflict with India’s policy of strategic autonomy.

Finally, there is a ticklish issue with the future procuring of the F-35 by India. And that is the fact that the F-35 is designed to evade the most sophisticated air-defense systems. India has such a system in the form of S-400 from Russia.

This being the case, will India be allowed by the U.S. to remain the world’s unique country to have arguably the best offensive fighter aircraft in the form of the F-35 simultaneously with a formidable Russian defense system that could neutralise it? As noted already, the U.S. revoked Turkey’s participation in the F-35 program because of Ankara acquisition and intended fielding of the S-400 Russian air defense system.

Or, will India, in order to get the F-35, dismantle the 3 (three) S-400 systems that it has already bought from Russia and cancel the delivery of two more that are expected to be completed by August 2026?

Two most difficult questions to be answered, indeed!